To state the obvious,
if enough Scottish voters want Scotland to leave the United Kingdom, it will
happen sooner or, more likely, later. What once seemed fanciful
seems now entirely possible.
Let’s be clear: this
would be bad for the United Kingdom. Scotland makes an enormous
contribution to the UK and is a strong ally in democratising the way the UK
works. We must do all we can to keep Scotland in our family of nations. We
will all be worse off if we don’t succeed in that.
A United Kingdom
without Scotland raises questions for Wales, and for the Labour Party.
We failed to see the
signs in many communities, over many years of deep discontent with the European
Union and the globalised, mobile world it represents. We cannot now afford to
ignore the challenges which the prospect of a Scottish departure poses.
Where does this leave
Wales?
Nationalism in Wales
is a timid beast. Bumping along in the polls at around 10%, the core vote for
independence is small, and even if Scotland were to leave, a recent poll
suggests that this would not change very much. But let’s not assume
that a Great Britain which comprises only England and Wales isn’t going to
change the political dynamics.
The May government is
not committed to devolution. The way they defied the Welsh Government and the
House of Lords over the Wales Act gives us a clue - but just watch the
negotiations over the “repatriation”
from the EU of powers in devolved areas to see this government’s centralising
instincts.
And with 5m fewer
beneficiaries of devolution if Scotland were to leave, they would hardly become
more committed to it.
Our ability to run our
own affairs in devolved areas cannot depend on the whim of the UK Government.
Take the economy - for
most people, their over-riding concern is the chance of a decent job and a
reasonable standard of living. So our test should be: what is the
balance of powers that gives Wales the best chance of strengthening its economy
and which gives most people a good chance of a decent living.
To conclude its trade
deal with the EU, Canada needed the approval of its provinces – trade
relationships are not about Crown prerogative and signing treaties, they are
about shaping the economy, shaping the chance people have of a decent living –
and Canada’s provinces were indispensable partners in that. Just as Wales and
the other devolved nations are indispensable partners within the UK.
This kind of
federalism may not work in as imbalanced a state as the UK, but the current devolution
settlement is inadequate and unsustainable, and simply tacking on policing, bus
regulation and a few other areas, is not going to get us anywhere near what’s
required.
We need proper rules
for the four constituent parts of the UK to agree, as equal partners, how to
regulate issues like the environment and agriculture, when EU rules fall away. And
we need the sorts of powers which would enable us properly to develop our
economy through taxation – tax credits for research and development, some corporation
tax powers to support industry in strategic areas.
As well as powers, we
now need to put our funding on a proper statutory footing – a law which
guarantees fair funding to all parts of the UK, enshrining the principle of
equitable redistribution based upon need and taking the final discretion out of
the hands of the Treasury.
But in the meantime,
we need to build on the support for devolution by showing the results it can
deliver now.
This means being bold in ditching approaches which haven’t worked and the Welsh
Government being as creative and visionary as it has ever been.
Where does that leave
the Labour party?
The Labour party is a
unionist party. But we cannot ignore the dyynamics of Scotland potentially
leaving the UK. Calls for the party to “split in two” are a
fundamental misreading of the situation. We need to reorganise
Labour so that it is better able to separately reflect and serve each of the
constituent parts of the United Kingdom, but which also recognises that our
UK-wide bonds give us strength.
In Wales we have
managed that more successfully than in other parts of the UK. Welsh Labour has
done well because we appealed to people who wanted Wales to have a greater say
in its own affairs, while remaining in the UK.
But the time has come
for us to go further. Welsh Labour, recently acquiring powers to re-write its
rules, is updating its constitution to properly reflect how its distinct
institutions have developed in recent years.
But we now need a
fresh look at making our constitution fit for the future and a good place to
start is by having our own Aims and Objectives clause which properly describes
what a modern, distinctively Welsh Labour party – as part of the UK Labour
family - is about.
We need a debate within
the party – members, local parties, trade unions, affiliates, elected
representatives – to agree how we can reframe our purposes and objectives as a
distinctly Welsh Labour party in a changing UK.
We should also
reaffirm that the Welsh Labour party is not the party of the Assembly, but is
also the party of our members, our councillors, and our Parliamentarians -
that our MPs are in part, the custodians of the Welsh national interest in the
House of Commons.
And whether or not
there is a distinctly Welsh view on matters of policy isn’t governed by whether
that policy area happens to be devolved – it is the product of the political
values of the labour movement in Wales.
So we should also
develop policy on a Welsh Labour-wide basis not just for currently devolved
matters, but also on trade union rights and employment, on tax, on justice.
A Labour Party
reimagined in this way will help us secure the kind of United Kingdom we aspire
to be - radically decentralised, redistributive, and strengthened in its unity
as a result.
Jeremy Miles AM is speaking at the Welsh Fabians fringe at Welsh
Labour Conference on 25 March 2017 on Labour’s Future In
Wales.
2 comments:
I've written a response to this here
http://www.everything-amplified.com/2017/03/20/playing-nice/
P.S.
I'm a nashy
It is somewhat surprisingly interesting to see a unionist talking of a move towards an independant Wales. How else would this 'reborn' party survive?
I'm affraid however that not many supporters (in Wales) of The Labour Party have been convinced enough (yet) to take the same plunge and go for change.
I don't think that current Plaid supporters would be attracted to jump to another 'new socialist party' fighting for Wales.
I therefore conclude that, albeit seemingly a fresh way for Wales to progress, this proposal will be killed at birth by not only UK parties but also by the UK Labour party.
Best ditch the idea, Jeremy.
Regards,
Huw
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